In Nigeria, where the life expectancy still hovers around age 51, anybody praying that a man over 70 should not die in three years is really asking that two plus two should not be four. I never pray for my own life to be prolonged because at 76+, I am already on injury time. At any rate my own death will not result in any political and social upheaval which will adversely affect the lives of two hundred million fellow Nigerians. But, on Buhari’s life hangs a lot of things. Indeed, it can be asserted that no other Nigerian Head of State – civilian or military — was ever so indispensable as Buhari is right now to us.
For the records, people need to be reminded that our national leaders, since independence in 1960, were Balewa, Ironsi, Gowon, Mohammed, Obasanjo, Shagari, Buhari, Babangida, Abacha, Abubakar, Obasanjo, Yar’Adua, Jonathan and Buhari again. Balewa (1966), Ironsi (1967), Mohammed (1976), Abacha (1998) and Yar’Adua (2010) died in office. Obasanjo voluntarily stepped down in 1979 and Babangida “stepped aside” in 1993. Nobody lost sleep over the events. It was not the death of Balewa and Ironsi which led to the Nigerian Civil War 1967-1970. It was the genocide targeted against Igbo people in the North.
That is very clear from the records at Aburi. The two sides – Biafra and Nigeria (in alphabetical order please!) – were not quarrelling over the assassinations of Balewa and Ironsi. Ordinarily, that should lead somebody to ask: “Why is Buhari so different that he deserves prayers for long life?” I will explain. Perhaps when I am done even Buhari’s worst critics will understand why we must all pray for him.
THE NIGERIAN CONSTITUTION IS A DEADLY TRAP NOW
“The husband is the head of the household; and pedestrians have the right of way. Millions of husbands and pedestrians have put their rights to the test to their everlasting sorrow.”
“A group without a leader is a mob.”
The Nigerian constitution stipulates that when the President dies or is incapacitated, the Vice President takes over. It is a neat arrangement on paper until we were forced to put the assumption to the test when the late Yar’Adua suddenly disappeared in 2009. It took several weeks before his aides, including former editors, would disclose that he was in Saudi. Beyond that, there were no disclosures. He refused to hand over and the National Assembly, NASS, kept silent until the Saudis shipped him back to us, a vegetable, in a box. Even then, more weeks were wasted before the Doctrine of Necessity was promulgated to hand over to Jonathan. The framers of our constitution had failed to envisage a situation in which an incapacitated President might refuse to surrender power and leave his country in a constitutional limbo.